By Let's get back to the story. The backdrop: a symbolic industry weakened by the electrical cataclysm, and a weakened working class regaining its lost affection for union battles. The background: the highly industrial Midwest and the key political state of Michigan. Center stage: three automotive behemoths (Ford, General Motors and Stellantis) that have been left behind by the agility and nerve of newcomer Tesla, facing an ultra-powerful institution (UAW), with 700,000 members in its ranks. Behind the scenes, the two standard-bearers of the American electoral divide (Joe Biden and Donald Trump), eager for sympathy, sometimes observers, sometimes players in the movement. In the corridor: Elon Musk, always ready to add fuel to the flames.
At the outset, a "simple" request for a re-evaluation of wage conditions, albeit a substantial one (30 to 40% increase, when the median wage for workers in the industry has risen by only 9% since 1979), was refused by the carmakers, caught in the middle.This demand was refused by the carmakers, who are caught between a rock and a hard place by fierce competition (domestic, electric, Chinese), and are on the brink of a profound transformation of their businesses, but, it should be noted, have enjoyed exceptional profits in recent years.
This confrontation then took on a national dimension. Against a backdrop of inflation, rising inequality and a profound decoupling between productivity and wages, it allowed the presidential duel to enter the ring, bringing with it cohorts of voters: 75% of Americans would support the strike movement, and 71% the work of unions, a level not seen in over four decades.
Yes, there's that question too. In an intensely polarized America, pro- and anti-unionists clash at every level: in schoolyards, at coffee machines, and on boards of directors. A boon for the presidential clan, who brandished a study: the wage gap between a union member and a non-union member with the same professional profile is 15% in favor of the union member, not counting fringe benefits. And for Joe Biden, who went to show his support for the strikers, UAW cap screwed on his ears.
It was also a godsend for Elon Musk, who didn't bother with social desiderata in his own Tesla factories, taking advantage of the slowdown among his peers to increase his lead. Finally, it's a godsend for Donald Trump, who is giving himself a platform to denigrate the positions and economic and political record of his old adversary, and to secure the support of this electoral base, historically on his side.
Ford has already yielded significantly to some of the demands of its driving forces, but not enough, and discussions remain heated at GM and Stellantis. One thing is certain: the renewed vigor of the union movement is shaking all the participants in this great mess: ten days of strikes at the three major plants could cost the US economy up to $5 billion in lost revenue. And the unrest could spread to other automakers as well, in the twilight of an important season for car sales.
